No 5 (126) (2024)

The experience of 60 years of nuclear arms control has been quite a success except one aspect – transition from a bilateral (the U.S.A. ‒ U.S.S.R/Russia) to a multilateral format of limitation and reduction of nuclear arsenals. The reason has been a mistaken approach to a multi-lateral disarmament, which did not take into account a specific nature of multilateral nuclear deterrence among nuclear states. From now on, a transition to a multilateral format is becoming an indispensable condition for rescue of the system of nuclear disarmament and its adjustment to a polycentric world order, so that it does not turn into a nuclear chaos.

This article analyses the current state and future prospects of Germany's civil space sector. In late September 2023, a new space strategy was presented, replacing the previous one adopted in November 2010. The update was aligned with the coalition agreement of the new government at the end of 2021. The goals and objectives were further refined in the Future Strategy for Research and Innovation at the beginning of 2023. The author explores the historical background of the formation of Germany's aerospace complex, the main outcomes of the National Space Program, and the first space strategy from 2010 to 2023. Special attention is given to the reasons for and the necessity of refining strategic priorities. The article assesses the prospects for Germany's further development as a competitive space hub. The government is focused on finding a sustainable international niche. The challenge lies in the sharp increase in competition, particularly in the commercial sector (New Space). Competition is intensifying both from partners within the collective West and from countries in the Global South, primarily China and India. The article provides an analysis of public-private partnerships, the role of entrepreneurial interest groups, their dialogue with the government, the development of national space legislation, the advancement of existing infrastructure, and innovative startups. The author questions the ruling coalition's ability to successfully launch the new space strategy and fill it with specific content. It is concluded that this task will likely be taken up by the next government, led by the CDU/CSU.

The goal of the article is to identify the main stages of the formation of the ambivalent image of the PRC in the European discourse, as well as the causes and factors that determined the transformation of the approach to China in official documents and statements, including the points of view of a number of European think tanks. The first stage is related to the emergence of prerequisites for the deterioration of bilateral relations due to the intensification of economic contradictions. The second one is linked to Beijing’s dual role as a partner and competitor becoming mainstream in Europe in the context of the deteriorating relations. Finally, the third stage is associated with the growing EU’s ambitions in ensuring international and regional security, in particular those highlighted in the Strategic Compass, and negative attitude of the EU towards the Chinese stance on the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. The authors use a world-systems approach, focusing on the influence of external economic factors on the development of the European dis-course towards China. The research relies on the analysis and comparison of the EU documents, official statements made by heads and representatives of the European institutions, as well as publications provided by experts and analytical centres studying relations between the EU and PRC. The consolidation of China’s contradictory image as both partner and rival in the official European discourse and expert community is quite natural. It is related to the aggravation of the crisis of the world-system itself, transformation of the world order, as a result, the actualisation of economic disagreements, which can be illustrated by the EU’s trade deficit with China. Brussels’ modern approach to Beijing fits into the logic of the confrontation between «democracies» and «autocracies» – the conflict with China is publicly covered not as an economic rivalry, but as an existential struggle between different political systems articulated in ideological terms. The authors believe that such an internally contradictory approach to China will remain dominant in the face of the above-mentioned issues.

The ongoing foreign policy failures of France in Africa, primarily in the countries of the Sahel zone, force to pay close attention to the mechanisms of decision-making in this area. The key focus of the article is the role of the academic community in the foreign policy expertise of France, its personnel composition, affiliation with the main government actors (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, French Development Agency), research centers and universities. The authors' concept of four concentric communities of applied research on Africa is presented in function of their influence on foreign policy decision-making. The most influential representatives working at the intersection of thematic areas of African studies, development studies and international security issues are studied. These areas of research act as markers of applied African studies. A multi-criteria analysis of the affiliation of the main participants was carried out. Conclusions are drawn about the features of the system of French foreign policy expertise in Africa. Special attention is paid to works that critically assess France’s current foreign policy strategy on the continent, highlighting both systemic and “unconventional” critics who move into the category of political activists. The problems and prospects for the development of two main scientific journals on African studies are revealed (“Modern Africa” and “African Politics”). The insignifi-cant role of immigrants from the continent in African studies of France is demonstrated. Despite an extensive network of scientific partnerships uniting dozens of French universities and African institutes, there is no deep integration of Africans into the French academy, which also reduces the quality of African expertise.

The parliamentary elections in Britain in 2024 brought the expected victory of the Labour party and a crushing defeat to the Conservatives. However, the success of the Labour party is due to its tactics in the conditions of a majoritarian electoral system and the deep dissatisfaction of voters with Tory rule, and not to the socio-economic and political election program and not to the party leader K. Starmer, who lacks charisma. The majoritarian system also disproportionately favored the Liberal Democrat Party and did not favor the reformist party of N. Farage. Labour won back a significant part of the votes from the crisis-stricken Scottish National Party. Since it is unlikely that the Tories will be able to overcome the internal party crisis by the next election, Labour will remain in power for two Parliamentary terms. The foreign policy of the K. Starmer government will be a continuation of the conservative one, but conceptually it will take shape of "progressive realism". Britain will continue to follow the United States, regardless of the party in power in Washington, will strive to maintain a leading position in NATO, assist the Kiev regime, maneuver in relations with China, actively oppose Russia and try to attract the countries of the Global South.

Middle Eastern players have been involved in the “Balkan game” at different times, but since the 1990s, all the key actors in the Islamic pool have been present on the regional agenda. They are most active in countries outside the EU political framework – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro and the partially recognised polity of Kosovo. At this stage, they are not entering into open competition for influence in the Western Balkans with the established leaders ‒ the EU, USA, Russia, UK and China but are actively increasing their presence. The main areas of penetration remain economic (especially the monarchies of the Persian Gulf – UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, and Bahrain), cultural-ideological (Turkey and Iran), and religious (all Middle Eastern players). The nature of relations between external players in the Balkans is adversarial. Their strategies vary but have common features: the almost simultaneous start of promotion in the region, the initial focus on local Muslim communities and the subsequent departure from the imperative of unity of faith, similar industries and methods of implementation, common risks and problems associated with them. For the most part, preference in bilateral interaction with the countries of the region is given to personal connections to the detriment of institutional, investment, and economic initiatives to the detriment of diplomatic work. Collaborative projects often lack transparency and are vulnerable to criticism and interference from more powerful external actors. However, the “soft power” policy of eastern actors is flexible and adaptive, which ensures their further consolidation in the Western Balkans.

The article is devoted to the investment strategy of the European Union “Global Gateway”. Official documents and publicly available information on flagship projects served as an analytical basis for identifying the objectives of the relevant initiative of the European Commission, announced in 2021. The failure of experts' attempts to operationalise the strategy was noted due to the lack of convincing facts of its implementation and measurable results. The author discusses the reasons for the unsuccessful start of the Global Gate initiative. They consist in the unfavorable political environment, the limited and narrow focus of financial incentives from the EU, which turn off private investment. The approach to relations with external countries, called open strategic autonomy, applied by the “geopolitical Commission” under the leadership of Ursula von der Leyen, conserve the concept of the EU's normative power as a basis, is complemented by a semantic focus on projects that meet the interests of restoring the EU's leadership position in global competition. During 2022‒2023, the European think tanks supported the initiative by making recommendations for attracting capital to the proposed projects. Nevertheless, economic actors, having demonstrated interest, remained in the position of observers. Thus, the initiative did not overcome the initial stage of diplomatic memorandums and roadmaps. According to the author of the article, the announced reform will be formal, namely, aimed at saving the initiative, appeasing partner non-governmental organisations advocating for the UN Sustainable Development Goals, continuing scientific research, conducting communication events and fueling the technical component of flagship projects.

The article analyses trends and prospects for the development of a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in the Kaliningrad region. The research is based on current statistical data and sources, as well as a theoretical and methodological review of the principles and approaches to the use of SEZ. The article examines the key factors influencing the development of the SEZ, including the geographical location of the region, the investment climate, industry specialization and international economic relations. The dynamics of investments in fixed assets of the Kaliningrad region is presented, as well as the justification that an effective investment policy in the region contributed to the growth of gross regional output, significantly exceeding the growth rate of Russia's GDP. The preferences provided to SEZ resident companies in the Kaliningrad region are systematised. During the study period there was a constant increase in key indicators, which indicates the positive impact of the SEZ on the economic development of the region. The article high-lights the specific problems faced by the development of the SEZ in the medium term, such as geo-political risks, a shortage of highly qualified labor and the need to modernise infrastructure. Special attention is paid to the prospects for the development of the SEZ in the context of the changing economic situation and the challenges associated with international sanctions and economic restrictions. The results of the study represent a significant contribution to the development of SEZ development strategies in the Kaliningrad region, as well as to decision-making in the field of economic policy. The conclusions are important for the formation of effective measures and mechanisms that contribute to the sustainable and innovative development of the regional economy, as well as to overcome current challenges and use the opportunities provided for long-term growth.

The study estimates the efficiency of healthcare systems of Northern Europe and the Baltic region countries. The analytical tools of a two-stage Data Envelopment Analysis and Malmquist DEA are applied to assess the efficiency and changes in health systems’ productivity for the studied countries. The study data is extracted from the World Development Indicators from 2000 to 2020. Evidence reveals that only nine countries have an efficient healthcare system, and the healthcare systems of Germany and Lithuania were found to be inefficient. A reference between the inefficient and the efficient countries further demonstrates that the inefficient countries outperformed the reference group. Moreover, the estimates obtained by applying the Tobit regression model show that only the Gini coefficient significantly affects the inefficiency of the healthcare systems of the studied countries. Furthermore, it is found that the total factor productivity declined by 0,1% over the period of one decade, and the decay in healthcare systems’ productivity is driven purely by technical change not by technological change. Therefore, the policy implication of the findings suggests that pursuing sound economic policies that ensure fair income distribution in the studied countries has the potential to overcome the existing level of inefficiency in the healthcare systems and subsequently lead to improvement in health outcomes.

The EU and NATO have been developing cooperation since 2002. А new stage began in 2016, as a result of which their cooperation has reached a qualitatively new level. There has been formed a single transatlantic security space, in which the EU and NATO coordinate strategic goal-setting, practical policies, and activities in the field of defence and security in a number of areas. The main focus was on hybrid threats and military mobility. The start of Russian military operation in Ukraine has become an important factor in changing the security environment in Europe and the security threats identified by the EU and NATO. The article examines the stage of EU‒NATO cooperation after February 2022. The purpose of the study is to identify trends in the development of interaction between these two structures, to determine which trend dominates: the closer partnership of the EU and NATO or the accumulation of contradictions between them. Bilateral EU‒NATO documents during the specified period were studied using the content-analysis method. It was revealed that since 2022, EU‒NATO cooperation did not move to a qualitatively new level and developed in accordance with the trends of the previous period. This is reflected in the absence of fundamentally new areas of bilateral interaction and new joint projects. The reasons for this are the existing contradictions between the two structures, studied in the article. At the same time, it was noted that despite the contradictions, there is a continuation of the development of a single transatlantic security space due to the further division of re-sponsibilities between the EU and NATO, their cooperation in areas of common interests and the increasing role of the US and NATO. This occurs in the context of identifying direct threats from third states (Russia and partly China).

The article reveals the potential of small British town culture for preserving the national identity of the British. In the context of globalization processes, there is an erosion of national identity and a clash between the ideology of cosmopolitan elites and traditional values. It is the culture of small towns that allows one to preserve and strengthen national identity. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of the culture of Stratford-upon-Avon as a factor in preserving the ethnonational identity of the British. The author analyses the role of William Shakespeare as a “genius loci” who determines modern cultural practices and mechanisms for the reproduction of tradi-tional British identity, as well as identifies its components that are reproduced in the culture of a small town. Scientific publications, posts from the city’s official website, videos posted on the YouTube portal, as well as the results of the author’s field research were used as research sources. The role of William Shakespeare's work in urban culture is determined. An analysis of the cultural practices of Stratford showed the relevance of such characteristics of British identity as commitment to family values, disposition to charity, awareness of the special value of work, love of the history of their city and country, craving for high art and aristocratic forms of rituals. In addition, it is concluded that according to the European approach culture is an industry capable of gently managing society and a resource of material well-being.