№ 4 (118) (2023)

The article examines the EU approach towards China in terms of dealing with the hybrid threats. The study is based on the method of systemic analysis. It is revealed that the EU intention to strengthen its role in the international arena and to reduce dependence on third countries in providing critical infrastructure, as well as its solidarity with the rhetoric and practice of the USA to limit the economic influence of China, provokes a debate on the PRC’s activity within the framework of the narrative of hybrid threats. The documents of the European Parliament contain the majority of accusations of China in creating such threats. The Commission and the Council of the EU are trying to adhere to a less politicized tone, but their publications also contain references to the RPC as an actor of hybrid threats. The approach of the EU’s “institutional triangle” is also illustrated by the documents of the European External Action Service, EU agencies, and specialized think tanks. The EU institutions are seeking to limit China’s role in every area, from investment to education and media.

After the fall of the communist regime Albania turned from a closed country into a country of net emigration. The article examines the evolution of Albanian migration policy from 1990 to 2022. The purpose of the study is to identify the approaches to the regulation of international migration in the context of the integration of Albania into the EU. The research is based on the state and supranational sources in the field of migration: legislative and regulatory acts, strategies, action plans, international agreements. The period under consideration is divided into two almost equal parts in relation to the level of participation of Albania in the regulation of migration. The first period (until the mid-2000s) is characterized by a relatively passive stance, relying primarily on external forces which regulate migration from Albania, such as other countries of the region and the EU. With the adoption of the Strategy for Migration Management in 2005 Albania took a more active stance, focused, on the one hand, on comprehensive and multidirectional interaction with the Albanian diaspora and, on the other, on reducing emigration by creating new jobs. It is revealed that the measures taken to return the representatives of the diaspora to the country and reduce the emigration activity of the current inhabitants of Albania are not enough. The diaspora plays a significant role in the economy of Albania, however, it does not seek re-emigration. The effect of job creation was largely offset by the European migrant crisis.

This paper explores the role of nuclear power in substituting fossil fuels and contributing to the net zero. It considers to what extent the French position on nuclear energy is viable within the framework of EU green energy governance. The analysis of EU legal attempts to develop a common strategy for member countries and the case study of France reveal the controversial nature of nuclear energy. The authors argue that the EU could work towards easing off nuclear energy and could successfully overcome the pro-nuclear views of countries which currently depend on it for electricity production. The limited climate benefits of nuclear energy, when the whole life-cycle of nuclear reactors is considered, and the unease of the population with nuclear energy, even in countries that depend on it, chart a probable new course for a renewable energy mix in the EU. This phasing-out of nuclear energy is likely to be progressive so as to avoid lost investments in developing the technology and will hinge on how rapidly renewables reach their technological maturity.

The article analyses the prospects of the development of silver economy in Russia. The relevance of the topic is confirmed by the global trend caused by aging of the population. Silver (or longevity) economy is a sector of the economy, which provides well-being of the elderly. The subject of the study is a comparison between the potential of the silver economy in Russia and the European Union. The aim of the study is to analyse the key differences of the silver economy in Russia and the countries of the EU. The article examines the methodology and the results of the assessment of the scale of silver economy and its contribution to the aggregate demand and GDP of the European Union. The authors estimated the scale of the silver economy in Russia at the national and regional levels. Based on the results obtained, the authors compared the volume of the silver economy in Russia and the EU and identified the main factors influencing this sector in Russia. Moreover, the authors identified a high level of interregional differentiation in terms of silver economy development. Therefore, the differentiated measures of regional policy in relation to the citizens of the older generation were proposed in order to eliminate significant regional disparities. The authors propose measures aimed at supporting the demand of senior citizens for regions with an average level of development of the silver economy. The study also proposes to concentrate the state policy efforts on social security for the regions with low potential of the silver economy.

The ecumenism ideology is based on evangelical foundations and is aimed at achieving universal Christian unity. The historical differentiation of Christianity and the various circumstances of the church organizations development have caused the ecumenical movement internal heterogeneity. Each of the Christianity directions is guided by its own theological interpretation of ecumenism. Doctrinal agreement of these interpretations cannot be achieved. The political situation in the world and the situation of national churches within countries also hinder organizational unification. Therefore, ecumenical organizations, mainly the World Council of Churches and the Conference of European Churches, develop dialogue and cooperation programs aimed at Eucharistic and liturgical communication between different Christian confessions believers, as well as joint social services of representatives of different churches. The ecumenical movement in the twentieth century developed almost synchronously with the deployment of large-scale secularization. The secular nature of modern European societies determines the priority of social activity over theological activity in the ecumenical movement. The dependence of international ecumenical organizations on current politics is also obvious - they currently follow the European Union governing bodies’ ideo-logical rhetoric. The current situation of the ecumenical movement cannot be called a crisis, rather, there is a transformation into a new state - going beyond intra-Christian cooperation and inclusion in an interreligious dialogue, as well as in a dialogue with non-religious institutions of modern society.

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The chronological framework is limited to the events of 1971. The importance of these events allowed the author to identify and characterise some elements of the complex and controversial process of setting up for a future conference on security and cooperation in Europe, as well as to analyse A.A. Gromyko’s strategy of in this setting. The studied materials are presented in six subsections. The scientific novelty of the first subsection lies in the consideration of the logic and features of the diplomatic game of the West. The scientific novelty of the second subsection consists of five differences in the approaches of L.I. Brezhnev and A.A. Gromyko, who could help or hinder the defense of the interests of the Soviet Union at a future conference. The scientific novelty of the third subsection lies in the consideration of the Soviet position on a conference on security and cooperation in Europe by Western diplomats. The scientific novelty of the fourth and fifth subsections was determined by the proof of the hypothesis that A.A. Gromyko had two plans - in case the conference was convened or postponed. In the fourth and fifth subsections, the author presents the main activities and expected results of «Plan A» and «Plan B». The sixth subsection is devoted to conclusions that can be classified into historical conclusions (conclusion 3) and historical and political conclusions (conclusions 1-2, 4-5). The results obtained make it possible to test hypotheses related to the influence of the personal factor (long-term holding of a responsible position; constant strengthening of influence, authority and opportunities) on foreign policy and evolutionary processes in the systems of international relations. In relation to 1971, the author discovered Soviet version of the “magnet theory” developed by A.A. Gromyko's. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.

The article examines the impact of the Сommon Fisheries Policy of the European Union (CFP) on the UK's withdrawal from the EU. On the one hand, the article explains the reasons for the appearance of an economically insignificant fishing issue on the forefront of the British domestic political agenda on the eve of Brexit. On the other hand, it sheds light on the factor of the CFP in the negotiations on Britain's withdrawal from the EU and the subsequent Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) between the parties. Also, the author elaborates on the role of fishing communities in the Brexit vote, as well as on the factors that shaped the bargaining positions and strategies of the parties in the Brexit negotiations with regards to the CFP. The article focuses on institutional and political-economic features of the CFP that determined the final agreement in terms of fisheries. Despite a few concessions from Brussels and the transfer of a quarter of the European proportion of the catch to fishermen of the United Kingdom during the transition period, the Agreement does not involve fundamental changes in the UK's fisheries policy and the cooperation with the EU. The final deal reflects the interdependence of the partners, the Europeanization of the fisheries management, and preserves preferential access to British waters for European fishermen.